从传播学的角度，有这样几个问题想和大家讨论：
1、一贯标榜非官方非集权讲自由讲民主及客观、公正、平衡、多样报道的西方媒体在这次事件中如此一致地偏向甚至失实报道，其中的社会原因报章上已有许多分析，但从传播学角度看其中的原因又是什么？被施拉姆称为自由及负责的西方新闻体制真能获得政治和经济的独立并为广大民众自由交流提供服务吗？
2、对于我们主流媒体在这次报道中的表现，尽管人们谈论不多，但大家应该心知肚明，那么从这次与西方媒体的对比中我们媒体应该学到些什么？怎样才能改进我们的报道并使大家信服？怎样才能改变我们媒体目前“官方的”、“宣传的”、不能代表民众甚至不能报道事实的对外形象？
3、西方媒体在报道其他国家事务时之所以敢如此肆无忌惮，一个原因是它们不必担心类似“技术错误”用于它们国内报道可能引发的法律追诉，迄今我们看到的只有CNN那样“垃圾短信”似的回应和我们外交部及民间的无力申诉；而我们的声音之所以微弱，除我们自身存在的问题外也与1980年著名的联合国教科文组织《多种声音、一个世界》报告中所提及的国际传播中不平衡不平等的环境有关，可以说冷战后东西和南北的这种失衡不仅没有消除反而更为显著。那么如何建立一个更加公平公正的国际新闻传播规则？我们自身在这一规则建设中应该而且能够做些什么？
4、最值得关注的也许是由海内外青年华人掀起的中国网络大反击，具有讽刺意味的是曾被官方认为危险混乱不负责任并遭限制封堵的网络这次却成为其最大的救星。在这里每个普通民众既是受众也是传者，他们不受遥远的海内和海外阻隔，无需庞杂的机械和机构制约，这里不仅能看到拉萨暴乱时普通游客的个人日记，也能看到主流媒体外民间对西藏治理以及民族政策反省的长篇论文，还能看到普通华人与美国人印度人、学者与学子、经理与主妇的留言对话，甚至看到一个普通留学生自己匆忙制作还很粗糙的一段录象一个网站浏览量能够轻易超越那些花费巨资耗费众人经营多年的大报大台大站，他们比传统媒体的工整网页及其所谓职业记者评论家们充满偏见令人生厌的报道评论更加真实更加感性甚至更加有趣，我们看到这种网络传播不仅把一个最初中外媒体都忽略的普通残疾火炬手捧作了英雄，而且组织了从加拿大到巴黎伦敦的华人抗议、从美国到澳大利亚日本及沿途的火炬声援，即将成为网络世界最大族群的中国网民第一次展露出它的胸肌；但我们也看到如此浩大的声势在以英语为主的西方网络中依然陌生微弱，以至西方报道中依然有人怀疑这是中国官方的操纵组织。网络能否取代目前由权力和金钱组成、依然由少数向多数单向传播的传统媒体，而造就未来真正属于大众的传播时代？在这样一个时代我们怎样超越语言及其他制约获得与我们群体数量相称的传播力量？
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最新回复
彘 (2008-5-14 19:31:42)
余克光 (2008-5-18 08:05:38)
感谢彘同学的关注！很想听你自己的想法。
余克光 (2008-5-18 08:08:26)
余克光 (2008-5-18 08:11:24)
余克光 (2008-5-18 08:25:46)
余克光 (2008-5-18 08:52:39)
[ 本帖最后由 余克光 于 2008-5-18 20:29 编辑 ]
余克光 (2008-5-18 08:58:26)
[ 本帖最后由 余克光 于 2008-5-18 09:19 编辑 ]
余克光 (2008-5-18 10:04:06)
[size=7.5pt]NEWS ANALYSIS
[size=22.5pt]China plays victim for its audience
[size=8.5pt]By Mark Magnier, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
[size=8.5pt]March 17, 2008
Andy Wong / Associated Press
[size=8.5pt]Chinese riot police stand in formation at an army compound in Xiahe, a city in Gansu province. Troops have tried to quell the unrest in Tibet and western Chinese provinces, but as soon as one protest is contained, another springs up.
LANZHOU, CHINA -- Even as China faces global criticism for its crackdown on Tibetan Buddhists, it's winning the battle that it most cares about: support for its policies among Chinese back home.
One key factor is a media strategy that, while still blunt and heavily reliant on censorship and propaganda, shows more nuance than usual for the lumbering Communist Party.
This last week the government has used something it traditionally viewed as a big negative, any suggestion that it's not in total control, to its advantage by going large with print, still and video coverage of Tibetans attacking Han Chinese in the Tibetan capital, Lhasa, and destroying their property.Not only does this rather ironically paint the Chinese state and its massive police force as something of a victim, analysts said, but it also stirs up feelings of fear and anger among many Han, the nation's majority population, that add a personal dimension to the riots.
At a political level, the coverage has also bolstered the government's assertion that its archenemy, the Dalai Lama, the exiled Tibetan spiritual leader, is masterminding the protests from abroad and the atheist government's long-standing contention that Tibetan monks are anything but neutral, nonpolitical and peace-loving.
Many of the videos of the riots on the state-run CCTV website have been shot and edited to point up crimson-robed monks bashing and burning with the best of the mob. And to the extent the Dalai Lama has stopped short of outright condemning the monks and the protest, China gains points.
"In this crisis, their strategy has been pretty effective," said Xiao Qiang, director of the China Internet Project at UC Berkeley. "They've been able to portray it as 'we Chinese' versus 'they Tibetans' and seen public opinion go their way."
This policy is a case of making a virtue of necessity given that absolute control of information has become increasingly difficult.
The state's information guardians have also picked up a few other tricks. They're using more individual stories of Han families who were victimized in Tibet, aware that a personal narrative is far more powerful than vague propaganda language. And they've sprinkled their official dispatches with such terminology as "bloggers," "netizens" and "blogosphere" to look more current and inclusive.
At the same time, the approach is more of a paint job than a renovation as China's propaganda ministry continues to use many traditional tactics honed in dusty Soviet offices decades ago.
Unrest is blamed on "outside" elements, Tibetans are urged to report on other "troublemakers" and there are hints, although no guarantees, of leniency for those who turn themselves in.
On other fronts, the "Great Firewall," China's Internet filtering and monitoring system, has been in overdrive during the last week, deleting comments furiously and blocking Internet searches of such terms as "Tibet," "Lhasa," "demonstration" and "March 14" -- the day of protests in which at least 10 people were killed.
Some pro-government comments have found their way onto the Internet, though many are anonymous and there is no fast way to determine their origin.
"I strongly condemn the Dalai clique trying to undermine China's prosperity," said an anonymous posting from the southern city of Guangzhou on the popular Sohu portal.
Independent views opposing the government are strongly discouraged. The government has banned travel by foreigners to Tibet.
"The control strategy comes from the very top and it's well orchestrated," Xiao said. "It's more intense than I've ever seen."
Although international opinion is important, particularly as Beijing prepares to hold the Olympics in August, all politics are local, even in China. And for the party, maintaining its monopoly political grip on its far-flung empire is central to its strategy and continued existence, underscoring its vow that Tibet will never be allowed independence.
The strategy has been well received among members of the country's often strongly nationalist Chinese-language community. The government "should send more auxiliary police and arm each one with a rubber stick" against protesters, said a post on the Internet bulletin board Douban.
The themes of national unity and respect for the integrity of the motherland have also struck a chord with many in the more sophisticated overseas Chinese Internet community.
"The government has done well," said Robert Liu, a blogger who has been studying economics in the U.S. for the last six months. "They're doing better and have a more mature approach, although they still have a long way to go."
Growing domestic support of its policies gives the Chinese government political cover to restore order to the restive ethnically Tibetan areas of the Tibet Autonomous Region and Qinghai and Gansu provinces as it sees fit, knowing that accounts of heavy-handed tactics will inevitably surface in an increasingly porous society.
This is a different dynamic than in 1989 when many Chinese identified with the students rather than the government in Tiananmen Square.
Images of Tibetan rioting are also being employed to bolster the government's core message that foreign human rights groups and activists such as the Dalai Lama are bent on ruining the Olympics to keep China down. The Dalai Lama said Sunday that China deserves to host the Olympics and that the Games should not be boycotted.
Although China lacks the democratic institutions, vocal critics or opinion polls that would gauge the effectiveness of its strategy and public perception of its Tibet policies, one indicator may be its censorship of coverage by television networks BBC and CNN inside the country.
Instead of blacking out all such Tibet reports, leading to long and annoying instances of blank screens early in the week, the government allowed more of them to air as the week wore on. A BBC report that aired Sunday in Beijing ran 20 minutes, including a five-minute excerpt with the Dalai Lama.
"The government is showing more confidence and learning more about spin," said Michael Anti, a well-known Chinese blogger on a Nieman fellowship this year at Harvard. "They've learned more PR tactics from Western people. They see the way the White House and the Pentagon do it." This last week the government has used something it traditionally viewed as a big negative, any suggestion that it's not in total control, to its advantage by going large with print, still and video coverage of Tibetans attacking Han Chinese in the Tibetan capital, Lhasa, and destroying their property.
Not only does this rather ironically paint the Chinese state and its massive police force as something of a victim, analysts said, but it also stirs up feelings of fear and anger among many Han, the nation's majority population, that add a personal dimension to the riots.
At a political level, the coverage has also bolstered the government's assertion that its archenemy, the Dalai Lama, the exiled Tibetan spiritual leader, is masterminding the protests from abroad and the atheist government's long-standing contention that Tibetan monks are anything but neutral, nonpolitical and peace-loving.
Many of the videos of the riots on the state-run CCTV website have been shot and edited to point up crimson-robed monks bashing and burning with the best of the mob. And to the extent the Dalai Lama has stopped short of outright condemning the monks and the protest, China gains points.
"In this crisis, their strategy has been pretty effective," said Xiao Qiang, director of the China Internet Project at UC Berkeley. "They've been able to portray it as 'we Chinese' versus 'they Tibetans' and seen public opinion go their way."
This policy is a case of making a virtue of necessity given that absolute control of information has become increasingly difficult.
The state's information guardians have also picked up a few other tricks. They're using more individual stories of Han families who were victimized in Tibet, aware that a personal narrative is far more powerful than vague propaganda language. And they've sprinkled their official dispatches with such terminology as "bloggers," "netizens" and "blogosphere" to look more current and inclusive.
At the same time, the approach is more of a paint job than a renovation as China's propaganda ministry continues to use many traditional tactics honed in dusty Soviet offices decades ago.
Unrest is blamed on "outside" elements, Tibetans are urged to report on other "troublemakers" and there are hints, although no guarantees, of leniency for those who turn themselves in.
On other fronts, the "Great Firewall," China's Internet filtering and monitoring system, has been in overdrive during the last week, deleting comments furiously and blocking Internet searches of such terms as "Tibet," "Lhasa," "demonstration" and "March 14" -- the day of protests in which at least 10 people were killed.
Some pro-government comments have found their way onto the Internet, though many are anonymous and there is no fast way to determine their origin.
"I strongly condemn the Dalai clique trying to undermine China's prosperity," said an anonymous posting from the southern city of Guangzhou on the popular Sohu portal.
Independent views opposing the government are strongly discouraged. The government has banned travel by foreigners to Tibet.
"The control strategy comes from the very top and it's well orchestrated," Xiao said. "It's more intense than I've ever seen."
Although international opinion is important, particularly as Beijing prepares to hold the Olympics in August, all politics are local, even in China. And for the party, maintaining its monopoly political grip on its far-flung empire is central to its strategy and continued existence, underscoring its vow that Tibet will never be allowed independence.
The strategy has been well received among members of the country's often strongly nationalist Chinese-language community. The government "should send more auxiliary police and arm each one with a rubber stick" against protesters, said a post on the Internet bulletin board Douban.
The themes of national unity and respect for the integrity of the motherland have also struck a chord with many in the more sophisticated overseas Chinese Internet community.
"The government has done well," said Robert Liu, a blogger who has been studying economics in the U.S. for the last six months. "They're doing better and have a more mature approach, although they still have a long way to go."
Growing domestic support of its policies gives the Chinese government political cover to restore order to the restive ethnically Tibetan areas of the Tibet Autonomous Region and Qinghai and Gansu provinces as it sees fit, knowing that accounts of heavy-handed tactics will inevitably surface in an increasingly porous society.
This is a different dynamic than in 1989 when many Chinese identified with the students rather than the government in Tiananmen Square.
Images of Tibetan rioting are also being employed to bolster the government's core message that foreign human rights groups and activists such as the Dalai Lama are bent on ruining the Olympics to keep China down. The Dalai Lama said Sunday that China deserves to host the Olympics and that the Games should not be boycotted.
Although China lacks the democratic institutions, vocal critics or opinion polls that would gauge the effectiveness of its strategy and public perception of its Tibet policies, one indicator may be its censorship of coverage by television networks BBC and CNN inside the country.
Instead of blacking out all such Tibet reports, leading to long and annoying instances of blank screens early in the week, the government allowed more of them to air as the week wore on. A BBC report that aired Sunday in Beijing ran 20 minutes, including a five-minute excerpt with the Dalai Lama.
"The government is showing more confidence and learning more about spin," said Michael Anti, a well-known Chinese blogger on a Nieman fellowship this year at Harvard. "They've learned more PR tactics from Western people. They see the way the White House and the Pentagon do it."[url=http://www.nytimes.com/][/url]
余克光 (2008-5-18 10:05:54)
[/url]
China's quake calms Olympic controversies
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Published: May 17, 2008
Filed at 5:20 p.m. ET
BEIJING (AP) -- China's deadliest earthquake in a generation has jarred Chinese who expected to be reveling in anticipation of the Beijing Olympics. In less dramatic ways, the disaster is shifting perceptions between China and the world, deflating the contentiousness building around the games.Newspaper front pages and all-news television around the world have filled with sympathetic coverage since the quake battered a vast, mountainous area, killing tens of thousands. The authoritarian Chinese government's rapid, full-throttle rescue and the unprecedented flow of news it has allowed have enabled ordinary Chinese and foreigners to share in the immense tragedy.
More than just knocking bad press about the Beijing games out of the news, the disaster has given China and the world a chance to reassess.
Foreign audiences, especially in the West, are empathizing with the Chinese perhaps more than any at time since democracy demonstrators occupied Tiananmen Square 19 years ago. At the same time, the quake's devastation has diminished the importance for Chinese of Olympics in August and the accolades from abroad that a spectacular Games was supposed to bring.
''This is a turning point. We're seeing a reconciliation,'' said Wenran Jiang, a Chinese politics expert at the University of Alberta.
Foreign leaders are sending condolences and aid, instead of discussing boycotts of the Olympics.
The atmosphere is markedly less rancorous than a few weeks ago when an uprising by Tibetans against China's rule and rowdy protests overseas against the [url=http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/subjects/o/olympic_games_2008/olympic_torch/index.html?inline=nyt-classifier]Olympic torch relay seemed to expose vast differences in the ways Chinese and foreigners viewed the world.
For Chinese, the Olympics was supposed to be a crowning moment, signifying China's full acceptance by the international community after decades of isolation and then decades of economic catch-up. The government gave it a grandiose buildup, running the torch to all corners of the globe and the top of Mount Everest.
For foreigners, China's suppression of the Tibet protests brought reminders of the military's crushing of the 1989 Tiananmen protests, dashing hopes that awarding Beijing the Olympics had inspired tolerance and change.
The result: angry and violent protests for the torch and a furious backlash from Chinese. By early May, China's standing in the West plummeted. Online surveys in the U.S. and Europe found that Americans disapproved of Beijing hosting the Olympics, while Europeans said China had overtaken the United States as the greatest threat to global stability. Chinese were issuing death threats against Western media and calling for boycotts of French goods.
While the earthquake has dispelled those tensions, they could still resurface in the 81 days until the Aug. 8 start of the games. Foreign pressure groups have not announced any scale-back in plans to use the Olympic spotlight to induce Beijing to change policies on human rights, press freedom, Sudan's Darfur region and other issues. Pro-Tibet groups reported fresh rounds of detentions and protests in Tibetan areas early this month.
But China has done much right in the wake of the earthquake. Responding to public grief, the government reversed course, toning down what had been a boisterous, triumphal torch relay through China to include a moment of silence.
Its decision to allow a freer flow of information on the quake has been rewarded with an outpouring of support. Donations have flooded in -- $860 million as of Saturday, according to the government news agency Xinhua.
Aside from money, ordinary Chinese have bought medicines, food, blankets, loaded up their private cars and driven to the disaster areas, where they have helped in the rescue.
For the first time, Beijing accepted not just foreign aid but allowed specialized rescue teams from Japan, Russia, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan to operate in China. And state media have widely publicized their efforts.
The overall effect is an unheard of degree of participation by Chinese and foreigners in a matter -- disaster relief -- that the communist leadership has long preferred to manage alone as proof it is capable of handling China's affairs and providing for its people.
''The earthquake has brought the best out of the Chinese government and Chinese people and demonstrated the regime and the Chinese are capable of working together to build up a better future,'' said Xu Guoqi, a historian at Kalamazoo College in Michigan and author of the recently published book ''Olympic Dreams: China and Sports, 1895-2008.''
The comparison that some Chinese make is to Sept. 11, 2001, when a spirit of volunteerism and patriotism buoyed Americans after the terror attacks.
Many overseas in the West may not be ready to accept the communist leadership as a force for good; it still persecutes people for political activism or religious beliefs. But in the wake of earthquake, it is being recognized for doing some good.
----------
Charles Hutzler is The Associated Press bureau chief in Beijing.
彘 (2008-5-18 10:14:30)
图片看不见～
ＣＣＡＶ的报道是比较官方化，很明显是政府的口舌。但当然也不乏温情，比如在节目播出时，主持人几次潸然落泪也确是人到真情之处。民间媒体则是五花八门各样都有，各样报道的目的也都未必一样，立场也不尽一样。这一点也的确是体现的出传媒的力量是变得更强大了～但唯有一点担心的就是，立场不一，究竟增强的传媒力量是客观还是主观，会起到一个是利还是弊的作用，就难以简言概之了。
另徐娜一事件，了解一个大概，个人觉得如果是要深究，可能还要先了解一下她当时是否真的临阵脱逃，是否真的编造了故事，有证据才好说话，不能一味的充当网络暴民～但就徐表现出来的语言和表达能力来说，她作为一个记者，一个央视记者，一个肩负重任走进灾区的央视记者，是极为不称职的，甚至从道德伦理上来说也是，也是一个极不负责的人。
余克光 (2008-5-18 19:55:05)
生离死别
[ 本帖最后由 余克光 于 2008-5-18 19:56 编辑 ]
余克光 (2008-5-18 20:04:25)
很遗憾图片还是看不出。
假如你、你们是大学生，是传播学院的大学生，希望在这些特殊的时刻多关心时事、多关注媒体，多思考、多探讨。
[ 本帖最后由 余克光 于 2008-5-18 20:25 编辑 ]
小澜BB (2008-5-18 21:30:03)
[ 本帖最后由 小澜BB 于 2008-5-23 14:51 编辑 ]
亚平宁之蓝 (2008-5-22 07:11:11)
瀑布汗阿~~~~~~
余老师，贴照片要先上传到网上
www.imageshack.us 是个不错滴图床。。。
余克光 (2008-5-22 19:55:52)
这几张照片是我从网上找到的，其中“母与子”是从不同网站找出，但发现竟是同一对母子，并完整记录了一个母亲从发现儿子被埋、求救、哭别到昏睡在儿子尸体旁的全过程。
小澜BB (2008-5-23 14:49:33)
QUOTE:
我觉得每个国家的媒体报道什么,报道的实质是什么,代表的利益都是和国家的制度,利益相挂钩的.我觉得中国的媒体处在社会主义这个环境里,所有的可能涉及敏感题材的新闻都要被审查,而且这中间可能还有各种各样的原因,使得真正报道出来的新闻是那么的"正式".我就觉得简单的从官方新闻,媒体报纸,几乎是得不到最新或者是最可靠的消息的.反而有时候那些小的评论,或者在网络流传的图片传播之迅速,让人不得不信服.有时候虚假的新闻也就这样流传出来.中国人好像已经习惯了网络,好像习惯了网络上传播的东西可能更快,更真实.这也许是一种悲哀,有的时候我们还要从国外的媒体去获取本国的真正信息,这也是一种讽刺.
就先前CNN的事件,我觉得那个主持人骂了是不对,中国人也在强烈反击,中国政府也要求道歉,可是后来这件事情好像就有些不了了之了.说到底政府的态度到底是什么呢?我觉得中国的媒体还是没有真正"强"起来,所以才导致国外媒体不断的攻击.而反抗的往往只有平民大众的声音,这些声音大多到最后也是不了了之了.
余克光 (2008-5-24 08:10:27)